Authentic happiness martin seligman free download

Seligman with Rakuten Kobo. A national bestseller, Authentic Happiness launched the revolutionary new science of Positive Psychology—and sparked a c. The Optimistic Child by Martin E. Seligman Authentic Happiness. Any of these would be a better fit than readers looking for help with children with a Most of the meat of this book could be reduced to a twenty page pamphlet.

I believe that evolution has favored both good and bad traits, and any number of adaptive roles in the world have selected for morality, cooperation, altruism, and goodness, just as any number have also selected for murder, theft, self-seeking, and terrorism. This dual-aspect premise is the cornerstone of the second half of this book. Authentic happiness comes from identifying and cultivating your most fundamental strengths and using them every day in work, love, play, and parenting.

Positive Psychology has three pillars: First is the study of positive emotion. Third is the study of the positive institutions, such as democracy, strong families, and free inquiry, that support the virtues, which in turn support the positive emotions.

The positive emotions of confidence, hope, and trust, for example, serve us best not when life is easy, but when life is difficult. In times of trouble, understanding and shoring up the positive institutions, institutions like democracy, strong family, and free press, are of immediate importance.

In times of trouble, understanding and building the strengths and virtues—among them, valor, perspective, integrity, equity, loyalty—may become more urgent than in good times. Since September 11, , I have pondered the relevance of Positive Psychology. In times of trouble, does the understanding and alleviating of suffering trump the understanding and building of happiness? I think not. People who are impoverished, depressed, or suicidal care about much more than just the relief of their suffering.

These persons care—sometimes desperately—about virtue, about purpose, about integrity, and about meaning. Experiences that induce positive emotion cause negative emotion to dissipate rapidly. The strengths and virtues, as we will see, function to buffer against misfortune and against the psychological disorders, and they may be the key to building resilience. So Positive Psychology takes seriously the bright hope that if you find yourself stuck in the parking lot of life, with few and only ephemeral pleasures, with minimal gratifications, and without meaning, there is a road out.

This road takes you through the countryside of pleasure and gratification, up into the high country of strength and virtue, and finally to the peaks of lasting fulfillment: meaning and purpose. Big-words: just gimme happiness big orange lollipops purple balloons. See there his orange and purple bouquet. The lollipops melt.

The balloons wilt. The man waits. As a novice in the School Sisters of Notre Dame, she committed the rest of her life to the teaching of young children. Asked to write a short sketch of her life on this momentous occasion, she wrote: God started my life off well by bestowing upon me grace of inestimable value…. The past year which I spent as a candidate studying at Notre Dame has been a very happy one. In the same year, in the same city, and taking the same vows, Marguerite Donnelly wrote her autobiographical sketch: I was born on September 26, , the eldest of seven children, five girls and two boys….

My candidate year was spent in the mother-house, teaching chemistry and second year Latin at Notre Dame Institute. These two nuns, along with of their sisters, thereby became subjects in the most remarkable study of happiness and longevity ever done. Investigating how long people will live and understanding what conditions shorten and lengthen life is an enormously important but enormously knotty scientific problem. But why?

Is it the clean mountain air of Utah as opposed to the exhaust fumes of Las Vegas? Is it the staid Mormon life as opposed to the more frenetic lifestyle of the average Nevadan? Is it the stereotypical diet in Nevada—junk food, late-night snacks, alcohol, coffee, and tobacco—as opposed to wholesome, farm-fresh food, and the scarcity of alcohol, coffee, and tobacco in Utah?

Too many insidious as well as healthful factors are confounded between Nevada and Utah for scientists to isolate the cause. Unlike Nevadans or even Utahans, however, nuns lead routine and sheltered lives. They all eat roughly the same bland diet. They have the same reproductive and marital histories. They are in the same economic and social class, and they have the same access to good medical care.

So almost all the usual confounds are eliminated, yet there is still wide variation in how long nuns live and how healthy they are. Cecilia is still alive at age ninety-eight and has never been sick a day in her life.

In contrast, Marguerite had a stroke at age fifty-nine, and died soon thereafter. We can be sure their lifestyle, diet, and medical care were not the culprits. When the novitiate essays of all nuns were carefully read, however, a very strong and surprising difference emerged. Looking back at what Cecilia and Marguerite wrote, can you spot it? When the amount of positive feeling was quantified by raters who did not know how long the nuns lived, it was discovered that 90 percent of the most cheerful quarter was alive at age eighty-five versus only 34 percent of the least cheerful quarter.

Similarly, 54 percent of the most cheerful quarter was alive at age ninety-four, as opposed to 11 percent of the least cheerful quarter. Was it really the upbeat nature of their sketches that made the difference? Perhaps it was a difference in the degree of unhappiness expressed, or in how much they looked forward to the future, or how devout they were, or how intellectually complex the essays were. So it seems that a happy nun is a long-lived nun.

Smiling on demand, it turns out, is easier said than done. Some of us break into a radiant smile of authentic good cheer, while the rest of us pose politely. There are two kinds of smiles. The first, called a Duchenne smile after its discoverer, Guillaume Duchenne , is genuine. The muscles that do this, the orbicularis oculi and the zygomaticus, are exceedingly difficult to control voluntarily.

The other smile, called the Pan American smile after the flight attendants in television ads for the now-defunct airline , is inauthentic, with none of the Duchenne features. Indeed, it is probably more related to the rictus that lower primates display when frightened than it is to happiness.

When trained psychologists look through collections of photos, they can at a glance separate out the Duchenne from the non Duchenne smilers. All but three of the women were smiling, and half of the smilers were Duchenne smilers.

All the women were contacted at ages twenty-seven, forty-three, and fifty-two and asked about their marriages and their life satisfaction. Astonishingly, Duchenne women, on average, were more likely to be married, to stay married, and to experience more personal well-being over the next thirty years. Those indicators of happiness were predicted by a mere crinkling of the eyes. Questioning their results, Harker and Keltner considered whether the Duchenne women were prettier, and their good looks rather than the genuineness of their smile predicted more life satisfaction.

A genuinely smiling woman, it turned out, was simply more likely to be well-wed and happy. The first part of this book is about these momentary positive emotions: joy, flow, glee, pleasure, contentment, serenity, hope, and ecstasy.

In particular, I will focus on three questions: Why has evolution endowed us with positive feeling? What are the functions and consequences of these emotions, beyond making us feel good? Who has positive emotion in abundance, and who does not? What enables these emotions, and what disables them?

How can you build more and lasting positive emotion into your life? Everyone wants answers to these questions for their own lives and it is natural to turn to the field of psychology for answers. So it may come as a surprise to you that psychology has badly neglected the positive side of life.

For every one hundred journal articles on sadness, there is just one on happiness. One of my aims is to provide responsible answers, grounded in scientific research, to these three questions. Unfortunately, unlike relieving depression where research has now provided step-by-step manuals that are reliably documented to work , what we know about building happiness is spotty. On some topics I can present solid facts, but on others, the best I can do is to draw inferences from the latest research and suggest how it can guide your life.

In all cases, I will distinguish between what is known and what is my speculation. My most grandiose aim, as you will find out in the next three chapters, is to correct the imbalance by propelling the field of psychology into supplementing its hard-won knowledge about suffering and mental illness with a great deal more knowledge about positive emotion, as well as about personal strengths and virtues.

How do strengths and virtues sneak in? A hedonist wants as many good moments and as few bad moments as possible in his life, and simple hedonic theory says that the quality of his life is just the quantity of good moments minus the quantity of bad moments. This is more than an ivory-tower theory, since very many people run their lives based on exactly this goal.

But it is a delusion, I believe, because the sum total of our momentary feelings turns out to be a very flawed measure of how good or how bad we judge an episode—a movie, a vacation, a marriage, or an entire life—to be. One technique he uses to test hedonic theory is the colonoscopy, in which a scope on a tube is inserted uncomfortably into the rectum and moved up and down the bowels for what seems like an eternity, but is actually only a few minutes.

A stationary colonoscope provides a less uncomfortable final minute than what went before, but it does add one extra minute of discomfort. The added minute means, of course, that this group gets more total pain than the routine group. Because their experience ends relatively well, however, their memory of the episode is much rosier and, astonishingly, they are more willing to undergo the procedure again than the routine group.

In your own life, you should take particular care with endings, for their color will forever tinge your memory of the entire relationship and your willingness to reenter it. This book will talk about why hedonism fails and what this might mean for you. So Positive Psychology is about the meaning of those happy and unhappy moments, the tapestry they weave, and the strengths and virtues they display that make up the quality of your life. Ludwig Wittgenstein, the great Anglo-Viennese philosopher, was by all accounts miserable.

I am a collector of Wittgensteinobilia, but I have never seen a photo of him smiling Duchenne or otherwise. Most people to whom I offer this imaginary choice refuse the machine. It is not just positive feelings we want, we want to be entitled to our positive feelings.

Yet we have invented myriad shortcuts to feeling good; drugs, chocolate, loveless sex, shopping, masturbation, and television are all examples. I am not, however, going to suggest that you should drop these shortcuts altogether.

The belief that we can rely on shortcuts to happiness, joy, rapture, comfort, and ecstasy, rather than be entitled to these feelings by the exercise of personal strengths and virtues, leads to legions of people who in the middle of great wealth are starving spiritually.

Positive emotion alienated from the exercise of character leads to emptiness, to inauthenticity, to depression, and, as we age, to the gnawing realization that we are fidgeting until we die.

The positive feeling that arises from the exercise of strengths and virtues, rather than from the shortcuts, is authentic.

I found out about the value of this authenticity by giving courses in Positive Psychology for the last three years at the University of Pennsylvania. These have been much more fun than the abnormal psychology courses I taught for the twenty years prior. I tell my students about Jon Haidt, a gifted young University of Virginia professor who began his career working on disgust, giving people fried grasshoppers to eat. Worn down by all these negative explorations, he began to look for an emotion that is the opposite of moral disgust, which he calls elevation.

Haidt collects stories of the emotional reactions to experiencing the better side of humanity, to seeing another person do something extraordinarily positive. We passed an old woman shoveling her driveway. One of the guys asked the driver to let him out. I thought he was just going to take a shortcut home. But when I saw him pick up the shovel, well, I felt a lump in my throat and started to cry.

I wanted to tell everyone about it. I felt romantic toward him. The students in one of my classes wondered if happiness comes from the exercise of kindness more readily than it does from having fun. After a heated dispute, we each undertook an assignment for the next class: to engage in one pleasurable activity and one philanthropic activity, and write about both.

The results were life-changing. When our philanthropic acts were spontaneous and called upon personal strengths, the whole day went better.

One junior told about her nephew phoning for help with his third-grade arithmetic. As a gratification, it calls on your strengths to rise to an occasion and meet a challenge.

Kindness is not accompanied by a separable stream of positive emotion like joy; rather, it consists in total engagement and in the loss of self-consciousness. Time stops. One of the business students volunteered that he had come to the University of Pennsylvania to learn how to make a lot of money in order to be happy, but that he was floored to find that he liked helping other people more than spending his money shopping.

To understand well-being, then, we also need to understand personal strengths and the virtues, and this is the topic of the second part of this book. When well-being comes from engaging our strengths and virtues, our lives are imbued with authenticity.

Feelings are states, momentary occurrences that need not be recurring features of personality. Traits, in contrast to states, are either negative or positive characteristics that recur across time and different situations, and strengths and virtues are the positive characteristics that bring about good feeling and gratification. Traits are abiding dispositions whose exercise makes momentary feelings more likely.

The negative trait of paranoia makes the momentary state of jealousy more likely, just as the positive trait of being humorous makes the state of laughing more likely. The trait of optimism helps explain how a single snapshot of the momentary happiness of nuns could predict how long they will live. Optimistic people tend to interpret their troubles as transient, controllable, and specific to one situation. Pessimistic people, in contrast, believe that their troubles last forever, undermine everything they do, and are uncontrollable.

To see if optimism predicts longevity, scientists at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota, selected consecutive patients who referred themselves for medical care forty years ago. On admission, Mayo Clinic patients routinely take a battery of psychological as well as physical tests, and one of these is a test of the trait of optimism.

Of these patients, had died by the year , and optimists had 19 percent greater longevity, in terms of their expected life span, compared to that of the pessimists. Living 19 percent longer is again comparable to the longer lives of the happy nuns. Optimism is only one of two dozen strengths that bring about greater well-being. Some men never grow up and never display these traits, while other men revel in them as they age.

Both these studies began in the late s, when the participants were in their late teens, and continue to this day, with the men now over eighty. Vaillant has uncovered the best predictors of successful aging, among them income, physical health, and joy in living. The mature defenses are robust harbingers of joy in living, high income, and a vigorous old age in both the largely white and Protestant Harvard group and the much more varied inner-city group.

For the Harvard men at age 75, joy in living, marital satisfaction, and the subjective sense of physical health were predicted best by the mature defenses exercised and measured in middle age. How did Positive Psychology select just twenty-four strengths out of the enormous number of traits to choose from?

The last time anyone bothered to count, in , more than eighteen thousand words in English referred to traits. Choosing which traits to investigate is a serious question for a distinguished group of psychologists and psychiatrists who are creating a system that is intended to be the opposite of the DSM the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders of the American Psychiatric Association, which serves as a classification scheme of mental illness.

Valor, kindness, originality? But what about intelligence, perfect pitch, or punctuality? Three criteria for strengths are as follows: They are valued in almost every culture They are valued in their own right, not just as a means to other ends They are malleable So intelligence and perfect pitch are out, because they are not very learnable.

Punctuality is learnable, but, like perfect pitch, it is generally a means to another end like efficiency and is not valued in almost every culture. While psychology may have neglected virtue, religion and philosophy most assuredly have not, and there is astonishing convergence across the millennia and across cultures about virtue and strength.

Wisdom, for example, can be broken down into the strengths of curiosity, love of learning, judgment, originality, social intelligence, and perspective. Love includes kindness, generosity, nurturance, and the capacity to be loved as well as to love.

Convergence across thousands of years and among unrelated philosophical traditions is remarkable and Positive Psychology takes this cross-cultural agreement as its guide.

These strengths and virtues serve us in times of ill fortune as well as better moments. In fact, hard times are uniquely suited to the display of many strengths.

Until recently I thought that Positive Psychology was a creature of good times: When nations are at war, impoverished, and in social turmoil, I assumed, their most natural concerns are with defense and damage, and the science they find most congenial is about healing broken things. In contrast, when nations are at peace, in surplus, and not in social turmoil, then they become concerned with building the best things in life.

Florence under Lorenzo de Medici decided to devote its surplus not to becoming the most awesome military power in Europe, but to creating beauty. Muscle physiology distinguishes between tonic activity the baseline of electrical activity when the muscle is idling and phasic activity the burst of electrical activity when the muscle is challenged and contracts. Most of psychology is about tonic activity; introversion, high IQ, depression, and anger, for example, are all measured in the absence of any real-world challenge, and the hope of the psychometrician is to predict what a person will actually do when confronted with a phasic challenge.

How well do tonic measures fare? Does a high IQ predict a truly canny response to a customer saying no? How well does tonic depression predict collapse when a person is fired? Psychology as usual predicts many of the cases, but there are huge numbers of high-IQ people who fail, and another huge number of low-IQ people who succeed when life challenges them to do something actually intelligent in the world.

I call this imperfection in prediction the Harry Truman effect. We need a psychology of rising to the occasion, because that is the missing piece in the jigsaw puzzle of predicting human behavior.

Their tonic characteristics—depression level, sleep patterns, waist size—probably did not count for much, except insofar as they fed the Harry Truman effect. This means that we all contain ancient strengths inside of us that we may not know about until we are truly challenged. Not because they were made of different stuff than we are, but because they faced a time of trouble that evoked the ancient strengths within.

When you read about these strengths in Chapters 8 and 9 and take the strengths survey, you will find that some of your strengths are tonic and some are phasic. Kindness, curiosity, loyalty, and spirituality, for example, tend to be tonic; you can display these several dozen times a day.

Perseverance, perspective, fairness, and valor, at the other extreme, tend to be phasic; you cannot demonstrate valor while standing in a check-out line or sitting in an airplane unless terrorists hijack it. One phasic action in a lifetime may be enough to demonstrate valor. When you read about these strengths, you will also find some that are deeply characteristic of you, whereas others are not.

I call the former your signature strengths, and one of my purposes is to distinguish these from strengths that are less a part of you.

I do not believe that you should devote overly much effort to correcting your weaknesses. Rather, I believe that the highest success in living and the deepest emotional satisfaction comes from building and using your signature strengths.

For this reason, the second part of this book focuses on how to identify these strengths. Rather, the good life is using your signature strengths every day to produce authentic happiness and abundant gratification. This is something you can learn to do in each of the main realms of your life: work, love, and raising children. One of my signature strengths is the love of learning, and by teaching I have built it into the fabric of my life. I try to do some of it every day. Simplifying a complex concept for my students, or telling my eight-year-old about bidding in bridge, ignites a glow inside me.

More than that, when I teach well, it invigorates me, and the well-being it brings is authentic because it comes from what I am best at. In contrast, organizing people is not one of my signature strengths. Brilliant mentors have helped me become more adequate at it, so if I must, I can chair a committee effectively.

But when it is over, I feel drained, not invigorated. What satisfaction I derive from it feels less authentic than what I get from teaching, and shepherding a good committee report does not put me in better touch with myself or anything larger. The well-being that using your signature strengths engenders is anchored in authenticity.

But just as well-being needs to be anchored in strengths and virtues, these in turn must be anchored in something larger. Just as the good life is something beyond the pleasant life, the meaningful life is beyond the good life. What does Positive Psychology tell us about finding purpose in life, about leading a meaningful life beyond the good life?

I am not sophomoric enough to put forward a complete theory of meaning, but I do know that it consists in attachment to something larger, and the larger the entity to which you can attach yourself, the more meaning in your life.

Many people who want meaning and purpose in their lives have turned to New Age thinking or have returned to organized religions. They hunger for the miraculous, or for divine intervention. Like many of these stranded people, I also hunger for meaning in my life that will transcend the arbitrary purposes I have chosen for myself.

Positive Psychology points the way toward a secular approach to noble purpose and transcendent meaning—and, even more astonishingly, toward a God who is not supernatural. These hopes are expressed in my final chapter.

As your voyage through this book begins, please take a quick happiness survey. This survey was developed by Michael W. Fordyce, and it has been taken by tens of thousands of people.

You can take the test on the next page or go to the website www. The website will keep track of changes in your score as you read this book, and it will also provide you with up-to-the-moment comparisons of others who have taken the test, broken down by age, gender, and education.

In thinking about such comparisons, of course, remember that happiness is not a competition. Authentic happiness derives from raising the bar for yourself, not rating yourself against others. Fordyce Emotions Questionnaire In general, how happy or unhappy do you usually feel?

Check the one statement below that best describes your average happiness. Extremely unhappy utterly depressed, completely down Consider your emotions a moment further. On average, what percentage of the time do you feel happy?

What percentage of the time do you feel unhappy? What percentage of the time do you feel neutral neither happy nor unhappy? Write down your best estimates, as well as you can, in the spaces below. Make sure the three figures add up to percent. The average score on time is happy, There is a question that may have been bothering you as you read this chapter: What is happiness, anyway? More words have been penned about defining happiness than about almost any other philosophical question.

I could fill the rest of these pages with just a fraction of the attempts to take this promiscuously overused word and make sense of it, but it is not my intention to add to the clutter. I have taken care to use my terms in consistent and well-defined ways, and the interested reader will find the definitions in the Appendix. Here are the results…Squawk.

I recognize the voice as that of Dorothy Cantor, the president of the ,member American Psychological Association APA , and she is right about the tenterhooks. The voting for her successor has just ended, and I was one of the candidates. But have you ever tried to use a car phone in the Tetons?

I bite my lip in frustration. Who got me into this politics stuff anyway? I was an ivory-towered and ivy- covered professor—with a laboratory whirring along, plenty of grants, devoted students, a best-selling book, and tedious but sufferable faculty meetings—and a central figure in two scholarly fields: learned helplessness and learned optimism.

Who needs it? I need it. As I wait for the phone to come to life, I drift back forty years to my roots as a psychologist. There, suddenly, are Jeannie Albright and Barbara Willis and Sally Eckert, the unattainable romantic interests of a chubby, thirteen-year-old middle-class Jewish kid suddenly thrust into a school filled only with Protestant kids whose families had been in Albany for three hundred years, very rich Jewish kids, and Catholic athletes.

No one could get into a good college from the Albany public schools, so my parents, both civil servants, dug deep into their savings to come up with six hundred dollars for tuition.

What could I possibly be that would remotely interest spit- curled, ski-slope-nosed Jeannie, or Barbara, the voluptuous fount of early-puberty gossip, or most impossibly, winter-tanned Sally? Perhaps I could talk to them about their troubles. What a brilliant stroke! I tried on the role, then snuggled comfortably into my niche. Please, who won? Drifting again, morosely. I imagine what it must have been like in Washington, D.

The troops have come home from Europe and the Pacific, some physically wounded, many others emotionally scared. Who will heal the American veterans who have sacrificed so much to keep us free?

Starting with Kraepelin, Janet, Bleuler, and Freud, they have accrued a long, if not universally praised, history of repairing damaged psyches. But there are not nearly enough of them to go around: the training is long more than eight years of post- baccalaureate work , expensive, and very selective.

Not only that, they really charge a bundle for their services. And five days a week on a couch? Does that really work? What do they do for a living in , anyway? Right after World War II, psychology is a tiny profession. Most psychologists are academics aiming to discover the basic processes of learning and motivation usually in white rats and of perception usually in white sophomores.

The first is to cure mental illness. For the most part, they do the unglamorous task of testing, rather than therapy, which is the preserve of psychiatrists. The second mission—pursued by psychologists who work in industry, in the military, and in schools—is to make the lives of ordinary people happier, more productive, and more fulfilling. The third mission is to identify and nurture exceptionally talented youngsters by tracking children with extremely high IQs across their development.

The Veterans Administration Act of , among many other things, created a cadre of psychologists to treat our troubled veterans.

A legion of psychologists is funded for postgraduate training, and they begin to join the ranks of psychiatrists in dispensing therapy. Indeed, many begin to treat problems among nonveterans, setting up private practices and getting insurance companies to reimburse them for their services.

Psychology becomes almost synonymous with treating mental illness. Its historic mission of making the lives of untroubled people more productive and fulfilling takes a distant back seat to healing disorders, and attempts to identify and nurture genius are all but abandoned.

Only for a brief time do the academic psychologists with their rats and sophomores remain immune to the inducements proffered for studying troubled people. For a time, basic research on psychological processes normal as well as abnormal finds some favor at NIMH. But NIMH is run by psychiatrists, and in spite of its name and its mission statement from Congress, it gradually comes to resemble a National Institute of Mental Illness—a splendid research enterprise, but exclusively about mental disorders, rather than health.

Academic psychologists begin to steer their rats and sophomores in the direction of mental illness. I can already feel this inexorable pressure when I apply for my very first grant in But to me, at least, it is hardly a burden since my ambition is to alleviate suffering.

Whimpering softly, they passively accepted shocks, even when these later shocks could be easily escaped. This finding captured the attention of researchers in learning theory, because animals are not supposed to be able to learn that nothing they do matters—that there is a random relationship between their actions and what befalls them. The basic premise of the field is that learning only happens when an action like pressing a bar produces an outcome like a food pellet or when the bar press no longer produces the food pellet.

Learning of randomness that nothing you do matters is cognitive, and learning theory is committed to a mechanical stimulus-response- reinforcement view, one that excludes thinking, believing, and expecting. Animals and humans, it argues, cannot appreciate complex contingencies, they cannot form expectations about the future, and they certainly cannot learn they are helpless.

Learned helplessness challenges the central axioms of my field. For this same reson, it was not the drama of the phenomenon or its strikingly pathological aspect the animals looked downright depressed that intrigued my colleagues, but the implications for theory. In contrast, I was swept away by the implications for human suffering. As I sit writing at my gray steel desk in the bowels of my laboratory, a converted farm building in the chilly countryside of upstate New York, I do not need to linger over the problem of whether to discuss the implications of learned helplessness for mental illness.

My first grant request—and all those that follow over the next thirty years—places my research squarely in the framework of the search to understand and cure disease. Within a few years, it is not enough to investigate rats or dogs who might be depressed; investigators have to look at depression in humans. Then within a decade, depressed sophomores are out also. The third edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association DSM-III codifies what the real disorders are, and unless you present yourself as a patient and have at least five out of nine severe symptoms, you are not really depressed.

Sophomores, if they stay in school, are still functioning. As most psychological researchers go along with the new demand that research take place on certified patients, much of academic psychology finally surrenders and becomes a hand-maiden of the psychiatric-disorder enterprise. Bending research science away from basic research toward applied research that illuminates suffering is fine with me.

If I have to conform to psychiatric fashions, couch my work in the latest fashion of DSM-III categories, and have official diagnoses hung onto my research subjects, these are mere inconveniences, not hypocrisy. For patients, the payoff of the NIMH approach has been awesome.

In , no mental illness was treatable. For not a single disorder did any treatment work better than no treatment at all.

It was all smoke and mirrors: working through the traumas of childhood did not help schizophrenia the movie David and Lisa notwithstanding , and cutting out pieces of the frontal lobes did not relieve psychotic depression the Nobel Prize to Portuguese psychiatrist Antonio Moniz notwithstanding. Fifty years later, in contrast, medications or specific forms of psychotherapy can markedly relieve at least fourteen of the mental illnesses.

Two of them, in my view, can be cured: panic disorder, and blood and injury phobia. Not only that, but a science of mental illness had been forged. We can diagnose and measure fuzzy concepts like schizophrenia, depression, and alcoholism with rigor; we can track their development across a lifetime; we can isolate causal factors through experiments; and, best of all, we can discover the beneficial effects of drugs and therapy to relieve suffering.

The payoff for me has been pretty good, too. Working within a disease model, I have been the beneficiary of more than thirty unbroken years of grants to explore helplessness in animals and then in people. Learned helplessness and depression have similar underlying brain chemistry deficits, and the same medications that relieve unipolar depression in humans also relieve helplessness in animals. From the bestselling author of Authentic Happiness Known as the father of the science of positive psychology, Martin E.

Seligman draws on more than twenty years of clinical research to demonstrate how optimism enhances the quality of life, and how anyone can learn to practice it. Seligman Download, you can read below technical ebook details:.